Remarks of
HON. ENRIQUE A. MANALO
Secretary of Foreign Affairs
Center for Strategic and International Studies ASEAN Leadership Forum
10 April 2023, 2:00-3:00 PM, Washington DC
Dr. Victor Cha, Senior Vice President for Asia and Korea Chair of the CSIS,
Mr. Greg Poling, Senior Fellow and Director, Southeast Asia Program of the CSIS, thank you very much for your introduction,
My colleagues in the Department of Foreign Affairs,
Friends, ladies and gentlemen,
Good afternoon.
On CSIS’ kind invitation, I will speak on the present and future of the relationship between the Philippines and the United States against the backdrop of the Christian celebration of Easter, a season of hope and triumph. Philippine-US relations are in that space at this time: a threshold of new beginnings standing on the foundation of a time-tested alliance.
I’m actually in Washington also for the 2+2 Dialogue, as mentioned by Greg, which will resume tomorrow after a seven-year hiatus. This highlights the positive trajectory of our bilateral relations, which is happening now at all levels, and the shared intention of Manila and Washington to sustain this momentum.
This reforging of our alliance is taking place on the heels of the 75th anniversary of our formal diplomatic relations and the 70th year of the conclusion of the Mutual Defense Treaty or the MDT. The mood of our ties especially since 2021 - when we marked these milestones - has been celebratory, and also probably circumspect. Circumspect: because both sides are conscious that the alliance must deliver, must also transform, to be more firm, as it is to fit the 21st-century realities that differ from the context pervading at its birth.
President Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. has called for “evolving the alliance” to make it more responsive to present and emerging challenges. The President has espoused an independent foreign policy, with the national interest at its core, and it is rooted in Article II of our Constitution, and it serves as the touchstone of Philippine engagements with the world.
Our alliance sits in a special place in the context of that policy.
First and foremost, it binds our two countries in the sacrosanct principles of freedom and democracy. Faithful to our roots as the first Asian Republic and advocate of human rights and decolonisation at the dawn of the United Nations, the Philippines considers this to be of foundational importance.
Secondly, our alliance is cast in a shared commitment to the post-1945 rules-based global order. It is an order that has generally enabled the flourishing of nations and their citizens in peace. It has steered nations into beneficial convergences, and through common experiences, which have only made multilateralism acquire more depth and meaning to a global community whose interests have also become more diverse and complex. In that sense, our alliance has served in good stead the Filipino and American people, and also the world.
The future of the alliance is fixed on this bedrock of shared values and common purpose.
Over the decades, the Philippines and the United States have given the alliance the review and reflection that it merits.
But the currents of our times demand new thinking on configuring that future, on the premise that this relationship is critical to advancing the interests of the Filipino and American people, our shared values, and our common purpose to preserve a global order that must remain stable, and must allow nations to flourish in peace, amidst transformative shifts.
Philippine interests in a rules-based global order
And at this point, I welcome the opportunity to share my views on why a rules-based global order is important to the Philippines, and why we will continue
to be invested in working with the United States and other partners, bilaterally, regionally and in all multilateral fora in this respect. There are many reasons, but I will cite a few:
First: The rule of law guarantees equity in the global commons. The Philippines is an archipelagic nation, with more sea than land in our territory, and the fourth largest coastline in the world — a coastline of 36,289 kilometers (22,548 miles) that is longer than even than that of the huge United States mainland. We are one of the 18 mega-biodiverse countries in the world, containing two-thirds of this earth’s biodiversity and between 70 and 80 per cent of the world’s animal and plant species.
Our national footprint in the history of negotiations of the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the Convention on Biological Diversity and the future Treaty on the High Seas bears witness to our abiding interest in promoting equitable rules in the governance of the maritime commons.
With the establishment of the Philippine Space Agency in 2019, the first in southeast Asia, we have set our sights to be a space-capable and space-faring country by 2030.
We are hedging prospects for a high-income economy in 2040 and our climate change and disaster risk resilience capacities on space-based technologies, which permeate more and more the domains of contemporary societies. For this, we need democratic access, an equal playing field, and an inclusive and predictable governance regime in the maritime space and also space itself.
Second: The Philippines is on the threshold of achieving the status of an upper middle-income country, and projected to be the 16th largest economy in the world by 2040. Philippine economic managers will be in Washington DC this week for the Philippine Economic Briefing, and they intend to underline the high-growth forecast bucking trends in the region and the world, and major investment reforms, some which are already underway and some already in place. Our business pitch stresses our solid economic fundamentals and our demographic sweet spot.
The national agenda for prospering the 110 million Filipino people, and lifting the quality of life especially of the marginalized, behooves the Philippines to engage in all means and endeavors to keep our region peaceful and stable. We adhere to the central role of ASEAN in preserving a stable regional environment that promotes the socio- economic well-being of the combined population of 600 million citizens in ASEAN.
The interdependence of economies in the Indo-Pacific – which is actually a regional powerhouse now leading post-pandemic global recovery - is salient to its dynamism. This is the very same compelling rationale for states to keep to the path of cooperation, despite disruptive dynamics of competition and the strategic rivalry between the United States and China.
Third: Multilateralism must thrive, as a unifier, and, as a platform for inclusion and empowerment of nations and their citizens.
A rules-based global order underpins the kind of multilateralism that overcomes differences among actors, fosters effective global action vis-à-vis challenges such as public health emergencies, humanitarian crises and global warming, and responds to emerging risks and threats that put us collectively in peril. This is the kind of multilateralism that the world deserves.
And as long as there is no credible alternative to the United Nations and multilateralism, we need to persevere in making them work.
The Philippines has always endeavored to make multilateralism more constructive, more inclusive and fairer.
In our region as it is in the world, it is important that the future is determined by the interest and agency of many, not by one, two or a few powers. Multilateral institutions must adapt to, and leverage, the rising engagement of more diverse sets of actors, as the means for a broader ownership of multilateralism and its objectives and outcomes.
More vital voices at the table mean more inclusivity and more resilience. This fosters the centering role of middle voices, keeping the conversations grounded and productive, and preventing them from degenerating into zero-sum debates and dysfunctional outcomes.
Because of our multifaceted and distinct interests owing to our history, geography, culture, values and advocacies, and alliances, the Philippines has played a bridging role and moderating role in many multilateral settings where polarities threaten consensus. It is a role that we are comfortable to play, and we will continue to play, given our overarching interest to foster international cooperation.
We believe that the UN Charter and established principles and norms must be upheld even as the world navigates change on many levels.
Let me recall how President Marcos enunciated this view succinctly in New York last year, when he said before the UN General Assembly, that (and I quote) “an open, inclusive and rules-based international order that is governed by international law and informed by the principles of equity and justice is an important ballast that stabilizes our common vessel amidst changing global tides.” (End of quote).
Future of the alliance
Ladies, and gentlemen, and friends,
President Marcos has also said that he “cannot see a Philippine future without the U.S. as a partner.”
I have shared my thoughts about how our common purpose for preserving a rules-based global order is very much at the heart of the future of our partnership.
Our recent engagements, including the meeting between President Marcos and President Biden in September and high-level visits to the Philippines, including by Vice President Kamala Harris, State Secretary Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin in the past seven months have unleashed on both sides a fresh re-imagining of how a modern alliance looks like.
While our engagements give due prominence to the upgrading of our credible defense capacities, the recasting of the alliance also focuses on reinforcing its socio-economic moorings.
Each element is equally crucial to enhancing our over-all relationship in the 21st century, in terms of strategic depth, scope and resilience.
While it is arguably a relationship that has had its vicissitudes, our work at the moment entails reshaping and fortifying its contours to meet contemporary challenges and opportunities, as we take our ties forward into the future.
So let me first speak about developments related to the Mutual Defense Treaty and our security partnership.
One week ago, the Philippines formally announced that the two governments have identified four new locations under the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). This month, the Philippines and the United States are conducting the biggest joint exercises in EDCA history, with over 17,600 troops from both the Philippines and the US of course, and observers from Japan and Australia.
The EDCA is a key pillar of our alliance, and the Balikatan exercises for the first time builds on our inter-operability in the context of external defense.
The conclusion of our bilateral defense guidelines also elevates the level of mutual understanding of roles, missions and capabilities within the alliance framework: they clarify ambiguities while allowing new flexibilities. In the context of the MDT, joint patrols are also being envisioned, in the context of navigation operations (FONOPS) and in support for the Philippines’ exercise of sovereign rights within our Exclusive Economic Zone, in adherence to international law and UNCLOS.
We are also exploring concrete steps to expand, where appropriate, operational coordination with like-minded partners such as Japan and Australia.
The Philippines has on its own, scaled up its capacity as a reliable partner. The 40-billion dollar AFP modernization is in full swing. It is modest in comparison to the scale of military spending in other nations, but it is a long-term mandate backed by the pledge of the President to shore up our minimum credible defense posture.
The Philippines has been clear and consistent about our interest in maintaining the South China Sea as a sea of peace and stability - and our aim to boost our defense capabilities, including in the framework of EDCA.
We recognize the value that the West Philippine Sea/South China Sea holds for all states around it, as well as its potential to unify the littoral states and partners around the purposes and principles of UNCLOS as the Constitution of the oceans.
We are at the heart of this seascape. More than geopolitics, the South China Sea, for us, is also about people.
Safeguarding our rights in our Exclusive Economic Zone or EEZ and exercising these rights without harassment or denial of access is as much about protecting our fisherfolks’ livelihood and ensuring their access to fishing grounds, as it is about preserving our marine resources for future generations.
The President has firmly said that we will continue to uphold our sovereignty, sovereign rights, and jurisdiction in the West Philippine Sea and we will do so through peaceful and legal means.
The 2016 Arbitral Award on the South China Sea and the UNCLOS serve as the moorings for the peaceful resolution of disputes and a regime in the South China Sea that would bring all parties together.
A peaceful, UNCLOS-based regime necessitates sincere dialogue among all claimants, bilaterally, the discussions between and amongst ASEAN and China on a code of conduct. We want an effective and inclusive code of conduct based on UNCLOS, and one that considers the interests of all stakeholders, beyond ASEAN and China.
Realizing these ends demands from all parties the highest commitment to dialogue and diplomacy.
Nevertheless, repeated infringements on our sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction, and other destabilizing actions that go against international law, the 1982 UNCLOS, and the spirit and letter of the 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, also necessitate the enhancement of our defense capabilities.
In the meantime, cooperation in counter-terrorism remains important as a component of our security relationship.
The shift in US’ counterterrorism policy to one that is partner-led and US-enabled gives due merit to other partners’ priorities. In this context, our future collaboration can highlight more civilian-led, non-military counterterrorism initiatives, where feasible and effective.
Our growing cooperation in cybersecurity, space situational awareness, maritime domain awareness, strategic trade, and aviation security is inextricably linked to our common duty to contribute to global security and prosperity.
In the same context, the Philippines and the US are working closely together in relevant regional mechanisms such as the ASEAN Regional Forum and other forums such as the United Nations, to develop rules and processes to address new and emerging threats, including in the context of biosafety and biosecurity, and the holistic updating of the global governance regime covering outer space, and also to strengthen the multilateral export control regime.
While we both recognize the impact of new technologies, we share the sense of responsibility to put guardrails to their exploitation for the wrong purposes.
On the economic partnership between the Philippines and the United States, new variables emerge, heralding that our ties have set afoot in the future.
Economic security and resilience in the face of geopolitical turmoil, disruption in the global supply chains and external shocks in general, are key watchwords in this regard.
There is a palpable zeal to capitalize on synergies in resilient global supply chains, clean energy including wind energy, green metals, decarbonisation, climate-smart food systems, agricultural innovation, healthcare and health security, safeguarding emerging and critical technologies, science and technology, innovation and climate transition financing.
This momentum benefits from the tailwind of the record volume of our two-way trade in goods worth over 21 billion dollars achieved in 2022, and an expected fresh surge in direct investments in light of the recently amended laws on foreign investment and public utilities in the Philippines. There is a growing need for more capital investments from the US for sectors such as agriculture, food security, clean energy, decarbonisation of energy, transport and industry, as well as digital infrastructure.
The alignment of our climate transition agenda also brings forward new synergies in green metals cooperation. The low carbon-future hinges on minerals such as cobalt and nickel, which are abundant in the Philippines. Together, we are tapping opportunities in clean and sustainable production and processing of these critical materials.
Our discussions on the 123 agreement paving the way for civilian nuclear cooperation in the future also falls under this common agenda, and the Philippines’ blueprint for an energy mix by 2040 that is cleaner, more sustainable and cost-efficient.
The U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Economic Framework or IPEF promises to expand our economic engagement, especially by closing the infrastructure gap among partners, strengthening supply chains and building resilience, and opening up access and opportunities to the digital economy. We hope that this will eventually pave the way for renewed discussions toward a bilateral Free Trade Agreement.
The Philippines welcomes this drive for depth and vitality in our economic relations.
I will begin to conclude my remarks by highlighting that our partnership has thrived on vibrant connections, and that people are the throbbing core of our ties. This year marks the 75th anniversary of the Fulbright Program in the Philippines, which has 8,000 alumni and is the longest continuing Fulbright program in the world.
The seeds of the future of our alliance are born in the many platforms in our relations where our peoples - whether they are scientists, entrepreneurs, civil society partners, youth, and artists - incubate new ideas and contemplate on visions together.
Our cooperation in humanitarian and disaster risk resilience response, cybersecurity and counter-terrorism and pandemic preparedness already recognizes that public-private partnerships are salient to the Filipino brand of civic action and governance.
We have only begun to underline that beyond aiding the modernization of military facilities, the EDCA sites support the local economies and present new interfaces for socio-economic projects involving the national and host local governments.
Woven into the fabric of our alliance are the vital contributions of the more than four million Filipino-Americans to the progress and security of the United States. At the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, Filipino-American health professionals were among those at the frontlines of protecting their communities. Filipino-Americans have made, and continue to make a positive impact as teachers, service members, artists, financial and social services workers, tech innovators, and civil rights advocates. We also nurture the rise of Filipino-American leaders who advocate for their communities’ interests but also serve as a bridge between our two countries.
It is said that the people who will live in the next century already live among us. This brings home the point about keeping people and communities at the heart of an enlightened recasting of our alliance.
And I wish to conclude by reiterating the priority that the Philippines accords its alliance with the United States, and its special place in the context of our independent foreign policy.
Our alliance stands proud in the nexus of relationships and arrangements buttressing the regional security architecture. This architecture must maintain trust and confidence among parties, amidst US-China rivalry and other geopolitical pressures.
The present and future relationship between the US and China is a defining feature of this regional ecosystem. As responsible powers, each with a stake in the region’s long-term peace and security, Washington and Beijing need to manage their strategic rivalry, with dialogue and transparent and sincere engagement, where possible.
The Philippines and the United States, individually and through our enduring, modern and responsive alliance, must ensure that even if this architecture heaves to the shifts in the dynamics and the multifaceted evolving interests of actors in the region, the rule of law is its fulcrum, and it brooks no challenge from any party engaging in any form of coercion, intimidation, the use and threat of use of force in violation of the UN Charter.
President Marcos has described our independent foreign policy to be (quote), “always looking for ways to collaborate and cooperate with the end goal of mutually-beneficial outcomes, and working to develop consensus in case of differences.” (end of quote)
This is a policy that owns our place, our stake and our responsibility in a peaceful and stable Indo-Pacific region, that it should witness the further flourishing of our nations and our peoples and advancement of mutually-beneficial interests and goals.
Thank you very much for your kind attention.